Once again Northern Ireland in general and the DUP
in particular are taking a bit of a bashing because the Republic of Ireland
voted to change its constitution the other week. I doubt there would be any
criticism of the DUP if Slovenia had chosen to make such a change. I doubt
indeed that anyone would have noticed. But very strange logic applies in
Ireland.
The first mourning by William-Adolphe Bouguereau |
There is nothing inherently about being Catholic
that means a person has to support a united Ireland, Scottish independence or
not being British. There are nearly six million Catholics in the UK. The vast
majority want to continue living in the UK and happily describe themselves as
British. The debate about Northern Ireland should therefore have nothing to do
with religion or demographics. It should be the same debate as everywhere else
in the UK. Do you want to keep your country intact? Do you value being British?
Because I favour taking religion out of politics I
likewise think it is mistaken to view the debate about abortion through the
lens of religion. What has changed since Ireland voted in 1983 “to recognise
the equal right to life of the mother and the unborn?” There has been a huge
scandal involving child abuse in the Catholic Church in Ireland. Consequently
many Irish people have ceased to have much faith in the Church and are less
willing for the Church to tell them what to do. But to respond to child abuse
by voting to kill them instead is a decidedly odd response.
The traditional Christian argument against abortion
might go something like this:
Killing people is wrong,
Babies in the womb are people,
Therefore killing babies in the womb
is wrong.
You really have two choices here.
Either you can deny that killing people is wrong or you can deny that babies in
the womb are people. The first option is unpalatable for obvious reasons. If
killing some people is not wrong, where are we going to draw the line? Does
anyone in our society have the right to choose who they kill? I would prefer
not to live in such a society. So clearly we have to accept that killing people
is wrong.
The problem with the babies in the
womb are not people argument is that it looks awfully like the slaves are not
people argument that meant that in the United States they could declare that
all people are created equal except slaves. Why should we discriminate against
these people who happen to be situated in a womb? Moreover if the unborn are
not people what on earth are they and how do they eventually become
people?
I have a colleague who recently
became pregnant. After the necessary scan she came to work and told everyone
she was having a baby. She then passed round pictures pointing out the various
features of the baby. Everyone gushed about it. She didn’t say she was having a
foetus. She didn’t use language that would minimise the humanity of her baby.
It was as much a baby there and then as it would be when it was born. But she
could with ease have simply decided to kill it. Oddly however it would be
grotesquely wrong if I decided to kill her baby in the womb. It would be
something very like murder if I somehow deliberately caused her to miscarry.
But the baby in each case would be the same. It’s a very strange moral
situation when under one circumstance the exactly same sort of being is a human
being to whom we have a duty, while in another circumstance it is nothing and
can be discarded.
But what about the rights of a woman
to do what she wants with her body? Indeed these rights must be taken into
account. But which human right gives me the right to kill another human being?
Self-defence perhaps gives me that right. But babies in the womb are only
rarely a threat to a woman’s safety. The law can easily protect the lives of
women and can be worded to avoid those unusual cases where a pregnant woman’s
life is threatened by her pregnancy.
But doesn’t a woman have the right
to do what she pleases with her own body? Even if she does it is worth
reflecting on whether there is someone else’s body inside her when she is
pregnant and whether that someone else might reasonably limit her right to do
as she pleases. After all I don’t have the right to do exactly what I please
with my body when I’m driving. I can’t for instance use my arm to turn the
steering wheel of my car so that it crashes into someone else. If I do, I am
liable to prosecution. Likewise if I neglect an infant who is dependent on me
so that they die I will be prosecuted. I will probably even be prosecuted if I
fail to look after a dog. In that case why do I not have an obligation to look
after a human being who temporarily is located in my womb?
In the end if babies in the womb are
people, we can reasonably expect women to respect the rights of those people
just like any other people on the planet. This may involve some inconvenience
for a few months. But do we really want to go down the route that I can kill
people when they are inconvenient. Old people are frequently inconvenient. The
location of a human being, inside a womb or outside a womb, does not change its
moral status.
This has the following consequence.
It cannot be grounds for killing a human being that he is the result of rape or
incest. If I were teaching in a school and discovered that one of the children
in the class was conceived as a result of rape or incest would I be morally
justified in killing it? Obviously not. But why should I be justified in
killing it because it is situated in a womb rather than a classroom?
The pro-abortion argument then is
left with having to deny that babies in the womb are people.
The babies in the womb are not
people argument is faced with the difficulty that we all accept that babies
outside the womb are people. Killing babies which have been born is liable to
lead to a murder charge. But then if we wish to maintain that babies in the
womb are not people, we are forced to say at what point they become people.
Many Christians think that the
moment of conception is the point at which life begins. For this reason they
think that all abortion is wrong. But
why should the moment of conception be theologically significant. I think this
is to mix up science (the moment of conception is only known about because of
science) with theology.
Traditionally the Church knew no
more about the mechanics of conception than did anyone else. A few hundred
years ago no-one knew that a sperm entered into an egg. They didn’t have
microscopes that were powerful enough. When did the Church think life began? It
thought that it began with quickening or the moment when the woman first feels
the baby in the womb. The Church traditionally treated this moment as the
moment when the baby gains a soul.
And it came to pass, that, when Elisabeth heard the salutation of
Mary, the babe leaped in her womb; and Elisabeth was filled with the Holy
Ghost.
For this reason it is not necessary
to believe that all abortion is wrong from the moment of conception. It is
perfectly possible to say we have an actual person when it gains a “soul” but
prior to that we only have a potential person. But two people who first meet
and think about marrying have in them any number of potential persons. Their
failure to marry and have sex may prevent one of these potential persons from
becoming an actual person. But there is clearly nothing wrong in this. If there
were, a man could demand sex on the grounds that it makes a potential person
actual.
From this we need not be quite as
strict as some opponents of abortion. There is a window of opportunity where it
is possible to abort babies without doing anything seriously wrong. Quickening
occurs between 15-20 weeks after conception. What matters however is when the
baby begins to think and feel and when it is conscious of itself. This does not
require that you actually believe in souls.
Rape victims and victims of incest
ought to be able to have an early abortion. Other women too who elect to have
an abortion as soon as they discover that they are pregnant need not feel that
they are doing anything particularly wrong. A cluster of cells that is neither
conscious nor self-conscious may or may not become a human being, but it is not
a human being yet. A potential thing is not the thing it might become. An acorn
is not an oak and therefore while chopping down an oak may be wrong throwing an
acorn on the fire is morally unproblematic.
The argument about abortion must be
grounded not in theology but in what we think a human being is. It is not
primarily about women’s rights, because those rights cannot extend to killing
other human beings. But it is not
necessary to argue that actual human beings begin to live from the moment of
conception. The potential is not the actual.
In limiting abortion to the first
few weeks of pregnancy Ireland may have found a stronger foundation for
protecting the rights of the unborn than it had previously. Rather than
criticise Northern Ireland for not immediately imitating the Republic, why not
instead criticise the UK for not immediately following Ireland’s lead by
lowering the current abortion limit from 24 weeks to 12. If the UK were to do
this, then people in Northern Ireland might in time decide that they would like
to follow suit. That would be up to them.
We ought to be living in a free
society which is tolerant of the views of everybody whether religious or not. Religious
views ought not to determine at what point abortion is legal or illegal. We do
not, thank God, live in a theocracy. But I am free to think that early abortion
is morally and theologically unproblematic while also maintaining that late
abortion is a form of legalised murder. You do not have the right to choose to
murder. Killing people is wrong.