It’s not very long ago that Alex Salmond was accusing Nicola
Sturgeon and the Scottish Government of conspiring to put him in jail. Now he
wants her not only to continue as First Minister, but in a few years most
likely to be the first leader of an independent Scotland. This if nothing else
illustrates the power of Scottish nationalism. Its appeal is to the emotions
rather than the intellect for which reason it uses popular history from the distant
past to obscure the present reality. It’s why the scandal involving Sturgeon
and Salmond has already been forgotten as if it never happened at all. Instead
we focus on a myth about a spider trying again and demand another go.
We don’t really know what Alex Salmond did when he lived in Bute House. He was acquitted. But even if he committed no crime, he has admitted that he sometimes behaved badly. We don’t know the full extent of what Nicola Sturgeon knew, when she knew it and whether she was involved in trying to get Salmond jailed, but there is enough evidence to justify suspicion that both Sturgeon and the Scottish Government likewise misbehaved. In any normal country there would be a full judicial inquiry with an independent judge and the power to compel all evidence to be made available, but this is Scotland and so we ignore, forget and join forces in a common struggle against the Auld Enemy.
What we learned about how the SNP Government might
have tried to get Salmond jailed would be enough to destroy support for that
party in any normal country. Even the suspicion of such corruption would be
enough for voters to get rid of such a Government worried with justification
that if it continued it might become still more corrupt. But in Scotland we forget
recent events quickly because of myths about a past of which we know little.
What we know about Salmond suggests that his behaviour
was on the surface not dissimilar to that of someone like Charlie Elphicke or
indeed Harvey Weinstein. The jury chose to believe that Salmond’s misbehaviour
was not criminal, perhaps sensing that the accounts had been exaggerated or
that there was some sort of conspiracy. But Salmond did misbehave and in some
countries such misbehaviour might have led to jail rather than Holyrood. But in
Scotland we don’t much care whether Robert the Bruce murdered this rival just
so long as he can defeat the English.
Scottish nationalism at present resembles the Molotov
Ribbentrop pact. Salmondites think that Sturgeon tried to get their man jailed,
but they’ll vote for the SNP because that’s the only way they can get a second
go. Sturgeon supporters may believe that Salmond was lucky to get off and that there
was no conspiracy at all, but they still might be tempted to try to create a
nationalist super-majority even if it involves electing a man whose reputation
is less than it ought to be.
The appeal of nationalism politically is that it means
that the SNP does not have to campaign on its record. If you mention Scotland, Scottish,
or Scot twice in every sentence the Scottish voters ignore Scottish education,
Scottish Healthcare and the corruption in the Scottish Parliament. If the
Salmond/Sturgeon scandal doesn’t dent support for Scottish nationalism, nothing
will.
It matters nothing to Scottish nationalists that the
UK has been working rather well during the pandemic. The Scottish Government did
not pay our wages, nor did it help our companies. The SNP were not responsible
for Britain having vaccinated so many more people than the EU. But we take the
money and the vaccine yet view it with contempt as coming from a tainted source,
because of a battle that happened seven hundred years ago.
There is a limit to what argument can do against
emotion. Demagogues use nationalism, because they bypass criticism and most frequently
bypass thought.
Politics ought to be a debate about how to make the
lives of most people better. That’s the purpose of democracy. The majority has
the right to decide that these policies will make most of us have more pleasant
lives. Sometimes the majority gets it wrong and another party gets the chance.
But politics must be rooted in a debate about policy otherwise it rapidly moves
into something else.
The appeal of nationalism politically is that it ought
to have a built-in majority indeed enough of a majority to defeat all opposition.
There are after all in Scotland more Scots than anyone else. The appeal to
nationality ought to give you an unassailable majority, which is why such an
appeal is made by tyrants.
Scottish nationalists believe that somehow independence
will transform their lives while they are indifferent to every other policy
that the Scottish Government tries to implement and are hostile to the UK even
when British Government policy demonstrably brings us good. There is no argument
against this. The only argument is the reality that independence would bring.
People like Nicola Sturgeon and Alex Salmond would
support Scottish independence even if they knew that it would make us considerably
poorer and with worse education and health outcomes than if we remained a part
of the UK. Many independence supporters would agree. The emotional appeal of
nationalism is not about health or education or any other policy. It is for
this reason that the SNP’s record is ignored. But independence can only
plausibly be portrayed as a left-wing goal if it would make poorer Scots
wealthier and it is hard to see how this is possible by giving up the Treasury
money that other British people share with us. If you believe in sharing why
reject the UK that shares between its parts?
Poorer Scots may be conned by nationalism into believing that it will make their lives better, but they would be betrayed just as they were conned into joining the cause of Robert the Bruce who used nationalism to pretend that he cared about their lives when instead he cared only about his own power, wealth and prestige. No doubt he promised Scottish peasants, wealth, and freedom if they fought for independence against the English, but they merely exchanged one absolute monarch for another and did not notice the difference.